This study analyses the climate change discourses and political dynamics in south-western Burkina Faso from three empirical entry points: (a) the production of the National Adaptation Programmes of Action; (b) climate change discourses in the Ioba province; and (c) the role of the public media. Climate change is not a popular discourse in Burkina Faso and seems limited to the national and international levels. Farmers in the Ioba province have experienced environmental degradation and changes in precipitation patterns but have not linked these to climate change, except for extreme events. Local discourses mostly focus on deforestation and express disappointment in the degree of support that the government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) offer to producers of food crops. External support is characterized by a good knowledge base of climate change among government officials and NGO staff but also insufficient funds, a lack of coordination, shifting donor interest in development themes and little responsiveness to farmers’ concerns and needs, leading to a lack of political interest. Farmers’ low levels of understanding of elections, voting power and political accountability have resulted in little political representation of their interests. Climate change and adaptation options are disseminated via radio, drama groups, mobile cinema and trainings. These participatory formats allow top-down information flow and opportunities for farmers to publicly discuss their views, concerns and questions beyond climate change. The popularity of these formats show that farmers are eager to communicate, become informed and get active in environmental change and resources management.

With a national electrification rate of an estimated 40 per cent and with certain rural areas having an electrification rate as low as 6 per cent, the time is ripe in The Gambia for the Rural Electrification with Renewable Energy (RE) Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Action (NAMA). A number of building blocks have already been put in place in the country. The 2013 Renewable Energy Act provides the framework for both on and off-grid renewable energy tariffs and net metering, as well as establishing a national RE Fund. There has been development of pilot renewable energy projects as well as diesel powered multi-function platforms, which provide energy access for economic activities in rural areas. The NAMA has five key objectives which are: 1. Increase the level of renewable energy (for electricity) and contribute to the national long-term target of increasing the share of renewable energy within the power generation sector. 2. Reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the power generation sector. 3. Increase the rural population’s access to sustainable electricity. 4. Encourage an increase in rural community income generation, and improve rural livelihoods. 5. Increase the level of private sector participation within the power sector. These objectives will be accomplished through a number of activities, divided into Phase 1 and Phase 2. Phase 1 activities will include the establishment of two types of ventures which will connect unelectrified rural communities: RE Community Energy Centres (RE-CEC) and RE Micro-Grids (RE-MGs). Phase 2 ventures will comprise RE systems which will displace thermal generation at existing regional grids (referred to as RE Displacement Systems—RE-DIS) and RE independent power producers (RE-IPPs).

This study provides an analysis of environmental observations by farmers, as well as of models of blame in Northern Ghana, an agricultural region of high vulnerability to climate change. Qualitative data were collected through a standardised questionnaire on the community’s consensus on how to explain observed changes. Responses were transcribed to allow content analysis. Natural data sets confirmed most local observations, but older age and the affectedness of the respondents were crucial in determining the views. Climate change was generally given a lower priority by the respondents compared to other manifestations of change, such as infrastructural development, human-spiritual relations and changes in social relations. Moreover, the respondents made reference to the blessing of the land and the destruction of the land. The destruction of the land was understood in a metaphorical way as the result of eroding social relationships and stagnation, as well as norm-breaking and lack of unity within the community. Thus, climate change was perceived in local social terms rather than based on global natural science knowledge. The article concludes that the anthropological analysis is meaningful and may serve as an entry point for further planning of adaptation and public education.

NAPAs provide a process for the LDCs to identify priority activities that respond to their urgent and immediate needs with regard to adaptation to climate change - those needs for which further delay could increase vulnerability or lead to increased costs at a later stage. The rationale for NAPAs rests on the limited ability of the LDCs to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. In the NAPA process, prominence is given to community-level input as an important source of information, recognizing that grassroots communities are the main stakeholders. NAPAs use existing information and no new research is needed. They are action-oriented, country-driven, are flexible and based on national circumstances. In order to effectively address urgent and immediate adaptation needs, NAPA documents are presented in a simple format, easily understood both by policy-level decision-makers and the public.

This anthropological study provides an analysis of environmental observations by farmers and their perceptions of change, as well as models of blame in Northern Ghana, a poor agricultural region of high vulnerability to climate change. Qualitative data were collected through a standardized questionnaire which was directed to twenty‐five individuals to collect data on community consensus on how to explain this change. Responses were transcribed to allow content analysis. Natural data sets confirmed most local observations but older age and affectedness of the respondents were crucial in determining the views of the respondents. Farmers observed more changes than younger people who were not yet decision‐makers on their family farms. Climate change was generally given a lower priority by the respondents compared with other manifestations of change that have occurred over the past decades, such as infrastructural development, human‐spiritual relations and changes in social relations within the community. When referring to these changes, the respondents often made reference to the blessing of the land and the destruction of the land. The destruction of the land was always understood in a metaphorical way as the result of eroding social relationships and stagnation, as well as norm‐breaking and lack of unity within the community.

During the 1970s, when severe droughts affected West African farmers, cereal banks became popular in the region. However, things quickly became very quiet again about this type of food security scheme, probably also because many of the cereal banks failed. Scientific surveys addressing the topic are scarce. A study in The Gambia in 2014 investigated how such cereal banks function and what the important variables for their success are.

The WASCAL Data Management Plan (DMP) describes the data to be created in WASCAL and the measures, methods, tools, standards and rules to warrant its proper management, archiving and exchange over the long term. The DMP was written at the beginning of the WASCAL project in 2012 by using information on data collection campaigns planned by scientists in the WASCAL Core Research Program and on bio-physical time series data to be provided by observation networks in the 10 WASCAL member countries.

NAPAs provide a process for the LDCs to identify priority activities that respond to their urgent and immediate needs with regard to adaptation to climate change - those needs for which further delay could increase vulnerability or lead to increased costs at a later stage. The rationale for NAPAs rests on the limited ability of the LDCs to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. In the NAPA process, prominence is given to community-level input as an important source of information, recognizing that grassroots communities are the main stakeholders. NAPAs use existing information and no new research is needed. They are action-oriented, country-driven, are flexible and based on national circumstances. In order to effectively address urgent and immediate adaptation needs, NAPA documents are presented in a simple format, easily understood both by policy-level decision-makers and the public.

This historical timeline summarizes the most important events of the CCA Policy Process in Burkina Faso.

This document describes the averages of Minimum and Maximum Temperatures in 2009 and the rainfall amounts recorded in the same year. Characteristics range between 2007 and 2009 and reflect the monthly temperature averages in Northern Benin. The utility of this document is that it informs in a short time the different variations of the climate in this northern part of Benin.